Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah, the powerful U.S. ally who
fought against al-Qaida and sought to modernize the ultraconservative Muslim
kingdom, including by nudging open greater opportunities for women, has died.
He was 90.
More than his guarded and hidebound predecessors, Abdullah
assertively threw his oil-rich nation's weight behind trying to shape the
Middle East. His priority was to counter the influence of rival, mainly Shiite
Iran wherever it tried to make advances. He and fellow Sunni Arab monarchs also
staunchly opposed the Middle East's wave of pro-democracy uprisings, seeing
them as a threat to stability and their own rule.
He backed Sunni Muslim factions against Tehran's allies in
several countries, but in Lebanon for example, the policy failed to stop
Iranian-backed Hezbollah from gaining the upper hand. And Tehran and Riyadh's
colliding ambitions stoked proxy conflicts around the region that enflamed
Sunni-Shiite hatreds - most horrifically in Syria's civil war, where the two
countries backed opposing sides. Those conflicts in turn hiked Sunni militancy
that returned to threaten Saudi Arabia.
And while the king maintained the historically close
alliance with Washington, there were frictions as he sought to put those relations
on Saudi Arabia's terms. He was constantly frustrated by Washington's failure
to broker a settlement to the Israel-Palestinian conflict. He also pushed the
Obama administration to take a tougher stand against Iran and to more strongly
back the mainly Sunni rebels fighting to overthrow Syrian President Bashar
Assad.
A royal court statement said the king died at 1 a.m. on
Friday. His successor was announced as 79-year-old half-brother, Prince Salman,
according to the statement carried on the Saudi Press Agency. Salman was
Abdullah's crown prince and had recently taken on some of the ailing king's
responsibilities.
President Barack Obama expressed condolences and offered
sympathy to the people of Saudi Arabia.
"As a leader, he was always candid and had the courage
of his convictions," Obama said. "One of those convictions was his
steadfast and passionate belief in the importance of the U.S.-Saudi
relationship as a force for stability and security in the Middle East and
beyond."
Abdullah was born in Riyadh in 1924, one of the dozens of
sons of Saudi Arabia's founder, King Abdul-Aziz Al Saud. Like all Abdul-Aziz's
sons, Abdullah had only rudimentary education. Tall and heavyset, he felt more
at home in the Nejd, the kingdom's desert heartland, riding stallions and
hunting with falcons. His strict upbringing was exemplified by three days he
spent in prison as a young man as punishment by his father for failing to give
his seat to a visitor, a violation of Bedouin hospitality.
Abdullah was selected as crown prince in 1982 on the day
his half-brother Fahd ascended to the throne. The decision was challenged by a
full brother of Fahd, Prince Sultan, who wanted the title for himself. But the
family eventually closed ranks behind Abdullah to prevent splits.
Abdullah became de facto ruler in 1995 when a stroke
incapacitated Fahd. Abdullah was believed to have long rankled at the closeness
of the alliance with the United States, and as regent he pressed Washington to
withdraw the troops it had deployed in the kingdom since the 1990 Iraqi
invasion of Kuwait. The U.S. finally did so in 2003.
When President George W. Bush came to office, Abdullah
again showed his readiness to push against his U.S. allies.
In 2000, Abdullah convinced the Arab League to approve an
unprecedented offer that all Arab states would agree to peace with Israel if it
withdrew from lands it captured in 1967. The next year, he sent his ambassador
in Washington to tell the Bush administration that it was too unquestioningly
biased in favor of Israel and that the kingdom would from now on pursue its own
interests apart from Washington's. Alarmed by the prospect of a rift, Bush soon
after advocated for the first time the creation of a Palestinian state
alongside Israel.
The next month, the Sept. 11, 2001 terror attacks took
place in the United States, and Abdullah had to steer the alliance through the
resulting criticism. The kingdom was home to 15 of the 19 hijackers, and many
pointed out that the baseline ideology for al-Qaida and other groups stemmed
from Saudi Arabia's Wahhabi interpretation of Islam.
When al-Qaida militants in 2003 began a wave of violence in
the kingdom aimed at toppling the monarchy, Abdullah cracked down hard. For the
next three years, security forces battled militants, finally forcing them to
flee to neighboring Yemen. There, they created a new al-Qaida branch, and Saudi
Arabia has played a behind-the-scenes role in fighting it.
The tougher line helped affirm Abdullah's commitment to
fighting al-Qaida. He paid two visits to Bush - in 2002 and 2005 - at his ranch
in Crawford, Texas.
When Fahd died in 2005, Abdullah officially rose to the
throne. He then began to more openly push his agenda.
His aim at home was to modernize the kingdom to face the
future. One of the world's largest oil exporters, Saudi Arabia is fabulously
wealthy, but there are deep disparities in wealth and a burgeoning youth
population in need of jobs, housing and education. More than half the current
population of 20 million is under the age of 25. For Abdullah, that meant
building a more skilled workforce and opening up greater room for women to
participate. He was a strong supporter of education, building universities at
home and increasing scholarships abroad for Saudi students.
Abdullah for the first time gave women seats on the Shura
Council, an unelected body that advises the king and government. He promised
women would be able to vote and run in 2015 elections for municipal councils,
the only elections held in the country. He appointed the first female deputy minister
in a 2009. Two Saudi female athletes competed in the Olympics for the first
time in 2012, and a small handful of women were granted licenses to work as
lawyers during his rule.
One of his most ambitious projects was a Western-style
university that bears his name, the King Abdullah University of Science and
Technology, which opened in 2009. Men and women share classrooms and study
together inside the campus, a major departure in a country where even small
talk between the sexes in public can bring a warning from the morality police.
The changes seemed small from the outside but had a
powerful resonance. Small splashes of variety opened in the kingdom - color and
flash crept into the all-black abayas women must wear in public; state-run TV
started playing music, forbidden for decades; book fairs opened their doors to
women writers and some banned books.
But he treaded carefully in the face of the
ultraconservative Wahhabi clerics who hold near total sway over society and, in
return, give the Al Saud family's rule religious legitimacy.
Senior cleric Sheik Saleh al-Lihedan warned against changes
that could snap the "thread between a leader and his people." In some
cases, Abdullah pushed back: He fired one prominent government cleric who
criticized the mixed-gender university. But the king balked at going too far
too fast. For example, beyond allowing debate in newspapers, Abdullah did
nothing to respond to demands to allow women to drive.
"He has presided over a country that has inched
forward, either on its own or with his leadership," said Karen Elliot
House, author of "On Saudi Arabia: Its People, Past, Religion, Fault
Lines."
"I don't think he's had as much impact as one would
hope on trying to create a more moderate version of Islam," she said.
"To me, it has not taken inside the country as much as one would
hope."
And any change was strictly on the royal family's terms.
After the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings in particular, Saudi Arabia clamped down
on any dissent. Riot police crushed street demonstrations by Saudi Arabia's
Shiite minority. Dozens of activists were detained, many of them tried under a
sweeping counterterrorism law by an anti-terrorism court Abdullah created.
Authorities more closely monitored social media, where anger over corruption
and unemployment - and jokes about the aging monarchy - are rife.
Regionally, perhaps Abdullah's biggest priority was to
confront Iran, the Shiite powerhouse across the Gulf.
Worried about Tehran's nuclear program, Abdullah told the
United States in 2008 to consider military action to "cut off the head of
the snake" and prevent Iran from producing a nuclear weapon, according to
a leaked U.S. diplomatic memo.
In Lebanon, Abdullah backed Sunni allies against the
Iranian-backed Shiite guerrilla group Hezbollah in a proxy conflict that flared
repeatedly into potentially destabilizing violence. Saudi Arabia was also
deeply opposed to longtime Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, whom it
considered a tool of Iran oppressing Iraq's Sunni Muslim minority.
In Syria, Abdullah stepped indirectly indirectly into the
civil war that emerged after 2011. He supported and armed rebels battling to
overthrow President Bashar Assad, Iran's top Arab ally, and pressed the Obama
administration to do the same. Iran's allies Hezbollah and Iraqi Shiite
militias rushed to back Assad, and the resulting conflict has left hundreds of
thousands dead and driven millions of Syrians from their homes.
From the multiple conflicts, Sunni-Shiite hatreds around
the region took on a life of their own, fueling Sunni militancy. Syria's war
helped give birth to the Islamic State group, which burst out to take over
large parts of Syria and Iraq. Fears of the growing militancy prompted Abdullah
to commit Saudi airpower to a U.S.-led coalition fighting the extremists.
Toby Matthiesen, author of "Sectarian Gulf: Bahrain,
Saudi Arabia, and the Arab Spring That Wasn't," said Abdullah was not
"particularly sectarian in a way that he hated Shiites for religious
reasons. ... There are other senior members of the ruling family much more
sectarian." But, he said, "Saudi Arabia plays a huge role in fueling
sectarian conflict."
Abdullah had more than 30 children from around a dozen
wives.
Source: AP
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